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To:
President George Bush
Secy of State Condoleeza Rice
Secy of Defence Donald Rumsfeld
UN Ambassador John Bolton
President Ahmadinejad
Foreign Minister of Iran, Motaki
Iran UN Ambassador, Zarif-Khonsari
Israel Prime Minister
Israel Foreign Minister
Israel UN Mission
cc
Mr Jose Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission
Tony Blair, Prime Minister of UK and Exercising President of the
European Council
Jack Straw, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
John Howard, Prime Minister of Australia
Alexander Downer, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Australia
M. Jacques Chirac, Président de la République
Française
M. Dominique de Villepin, Premier Ministre
M. Philippe Douste-Blazy, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères
Herr Horst Köhler, Bundespräzsident Deutschlands
Frau Angela Merkel, Bundeskanzlerin Deutschlands
Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Deutsche Bundesaussenminister
Mr Kofi Annan, General Secretary of the United Nations
Mr Mohamed ElBaradei, Director of the IAEA
Dear Presidents Bush and
Ahmadinejad, Presidents, Prime Ministers, Foreign Ministers,
Secretaries of State and Defence and Ambassadors,
The proliferation of nuclear weapons is possibly the single greatest
threat to civilisation. If a feared cascade of proliferation occurs,
the probability that by malice, madness, miscalculation or malfunction,
nuclear weapons will at some point be used will increase sharply. All
nations have a responsibility to ensure that the number of nations with
nuclear weapons does not grow, to prevent non-state actors from
obtaining them, and for those who posses nuclear weapons
to eliminate and abolish them.
Threats and rumours of military action or even nuclear weapons use only
worsen a growing crisis between Iran, the United States, and Israel.
Reports of preparations for and explorations of military options, no
matter how speculative, are highly disturbing and are in themselves
dangerous. Such explorations must cease. There must be no talk of war.
But there IS talk of war, both from the United States and from Israel.
And, President Ahmadinejad, you have spoken of "wiping Israel from the
map." In the US and Israel, 'hotheads' call openly for "swift military
action", while 'responsible' leaders speak of "no option being ruled
out." President Bush, we heard these same two formulations used just
months before the invasion of Iraq. We urge that the explorations of
military or nuclear options cease immediately, and support IAEA General
Director, Mohamed ElBaradei in calling for this belligerent talk from
all parties to stop now.
The United States and other Nuclear Weapon States and de facto nuclear
weapon states -nations that already possess nuclear weapons- have made
little progress toward the internationally mandated goal of the total
and unequivocal elimination of those weapons. Although there has been
some limited progress in lowering total nuclear stockpiles, the
established nuclear weapons possessors continue to rely on those
weapons in their security doctrines, and do not envisage change in that
posture 'for the foreseeable future'.
This continues in spite of a clear international consensus to the
effect that nuclear weapons are a continuing threat to civilisation and
life, in spite of repeated calls by the international community for
progress toward their total and unequivocal elimination.
Nations that possess large nuclear arsenals cannot consistently or
credibly call for others to eliminate or cease the pursuit of nuclear
weapons arsenals of their own while not moving to eliminate their own
nuclear weapons. A global commitment to the elimination of nuclear
weapons is a global commitment to the elimination of nuclear weapons,
and applies equally to all parties. There can be no exceptions. Those
who now posses nuclear arsenals are obliged to eliminate those
arsenals. Those who do not have them must not pursue them.
Similarly, the violation of the goal of a nuclear-free Middle East by
one party does not in any way excuse its violation by another party.
However, the renunciation of the nuclear option by one party will
facilitate its renunciation by another party.
Israel's nuclear arsenal and the pursuit of nuclear weapons by Iran -
if indeed that is taking place - are dangerous per se and open the gate
for further proliferation by other Middle Eastern nations, and for a
middle eastern arms race that would be dangerous in the extreme. This
must not happen.
Serious concerns exist over the possibility that US nuclear doctrine
may envisage strikes against other nations that involve a first use of
nuclear weapons, or possibly the use of nuclear weapons against nations
that are not themselves nuclear - armed. We note with approval the
recent letter by US senators and others in this matter.
A third use of nuclear weapons must never take place. It would be a
catastrophe not only for Iran or Israel but for the entire region and
even for the entire world, because of its radioactive fallout, its
chaotic effects, and because it would break the taboo against the use
of these weapons that has so far held place for the last 60 years.
Breaking this taboo could result in the further use of nuclear weapons,
with a lower and lower bar for such use. The widespread use of nuclear
weapons would be catastrophic for the world. We urge all parties to
renounce the pursuit of nuclear weapons, and to adopt policies that
rule out their use.
The Parliamentarians, civil society organisations, and prominent
individuals signed below hereby urge a solution to the crisis in
relations between the US and Iran, Israel and Iran, based on the
following clearly defined principles:
1) No use of any military option whatsoever by any party for any reason.
2) A clear commitment by all nuclear-armed parties not to use nuclear
weapons in this situation, and a broader commitment to the doctrine of
no first use of nuclear weapons.
3) The implementation of the 1995 Non-Proliferation Treaty Resolution
on a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in the Middle East, implementation of the
annual consensus-adopted General Assembly resolutions on 'Establishment
of a Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zone in the region of the Middle East', and
particularly the full implementation of this years resolution on
nuclear proliferation in the middle -east.
4) A clear commitment by all parties to the global elimination of
nuclear weapons, including through reaffirming the Final Declaration of
the 2000 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference, and relevant
General Assembly resolutions.
5) A diplomatic path to the removal of tensions between the US, Israel,
and Iran, involving compromise on both sides, recognition of the
legitimate security concerns of all parties including both Israel and
Iran, and refraining from inflammatory statements or the exploration of
military options by any party.
Signed
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