Copyright: International Herald Tribune
Thursday, May 23, 2002
A limited war may not stay limited for long
Amin Saikal
India and Pakistan
NEW DELHI India and Pakistan, two long-time foes who now have nuclear
arms, seem poised for another military confrontation. In the initial stage,
both sides can be expected to go only for limited war, starting with an Indian
attack on military installations and strategic points in Pakistan's Azad Kashmir.
The problem is that the war may not remain limited for long, because in striking
back Pakistan may well hit Indian Punjab, which is densely populated, a vital
granary and close to the heartland of central India. This could lead to an all-out
war, including a nuclear exchange, with devastating consequences for both sides
as well as grave implications for global security. . The tensions between the
countries have been escalating by the day. Although India has been complaining
about "cross-border terrorism" from Pakistan for years, the current
crisis really stemmed from an attack on the Indian Parliament in December. New
Delhi blamed Kashmiri Islamic groups that are fighting against India's rule
of the predominantly Muslim Jammu and Kashmir. It said that the groups are backed
by Pakistan.
Emboldened by the U.S. military campaign against terrorists in Afghanistan,
the Indian government increased pressure on Pakistan. It mobilized forces along
the already heavily armed "line of control" that serves as the de
facto frontier between India and Pakistan in Kashmir. It also demanded that
Islamabad close down certain anti-Indian Islamic organizations supported by
Pakistan's military intelligence and arrest their leaders as well as a number
of other terrorist suspects. New Delhi expected the United States to lean heavily
on Islamabad to concede to India's demands. However, this expectation was misplaced.
The military ruler of Pakistan, General Pervez Musharaf, in a speech on Jan.
12, denounced terrorism and pledged to crack down on Islamic extremism in Pakistan.
His aim was to shift Pakistan to the U.S. side after Sept. 11 by sacrificing
the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which Islamabad had supported. But Musharaf
did little to persuade India to de-escalate the military pressure, which by
now Pakistan had matched in kind. Musharaf made it clear that while Pakistan
wanted peace with India, it would not meet all of New Delhi's demands. . The
few anti-Indian Islamic militants who were arrested following his speech were
released within weeks. The crunch point came in the last few days, with attacks
by Kashmiri militants in Jammu and Kashmir, causing many civilian and military
deaths. This prompted India to expel the Pakistani High Commissioner and intensify
its troop reinforcement and military action along the border with Pakistan.
The problem is that Musharaf's cooperation with the United States in the war
against terror has won him kudos from President George W. Bush. Musharaf evidently
feels confident that in the event of a war started by India, Pakistan could
not be abandoned by Washington. Yet the Indian government, which says it is
fighting against terrorism, needs all the support it can master from the United
States to pressure Islamabad to disengage from the Kashmir issue. . Meanwhile,
having backed itself into a corner, New Delhi appears to have no exit strategy
except to launch what Indian policymakers call a limited war. But India can
be sure neither of winning such a war nor of keeping it limited. An escalating
conventional conflict could easily lead to a nuclear war between Pakistan and
India. Musharaf has always said that he would have no hesitation in using Pakistan's
nuclear weapons in a national crisis.
The writer, who directs the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian
National University in Canberra, contributed this comment to the International
Herald Tribune.